The History of the Geography of Russian Elections

Zhuribeda K.O.

Abstract

A review of "Atlas of Electoral Geography in Russia, 1991–2024," a book by Sergey A. Yelagin and Igor Yu. Okunev.

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In 2025, Aspekt-Press published a book by Sergey A. Elagin and Igor Yu. Okunev titled "Atlas of Electoral Geography in Russia, 1991–2024" [1]. The book examines the history of federal elections in Russia from 1991 to 2024 through the lens of electoral geography. The book offers data on the distribution of voters across the constituent regions of the Russian Federation, as well as statistical evidence for each election campaign. It also includes region-based cartograms illustrating key electoral indicators such as voter turnout, voting outside polling stations, and voting results for parties and candidates. All visualizations are based on data from the State Automated System "Elections" (SAS "Vybory"). The book also outlines the key legal parameters of each federal election.

This publication is undoubtedly of great interest to anyone concerned with Russia's political and electoral history. It is likely the first comprehensive work of its kind on the history of Russian electoral geography in the entire post-Soviet period. Until now, studies of Russian elections have focused primarily on electoral history from a historical and political science perspective, largely without a geographical dimension.

The book’s strongest feature is its visual design. Electoral maps are the clearest and most informative way to present election results.

The authors also introduce a key indicator reflecting the degree of competition for leadership among candidates, displayed both on maps (showing first, second, and third place by region) and in statistical form. The most politically competitive regions are identified using a measure based on the percentage ratio between the vote share of the second-place candidate and that of the winner.

In the 1991 presidential election in the RSFSR, the most competitive regions were the Kalmyk ASSR, Kemerovo, Pskov, Smolensk, and Chita oblasts (Boris Yeltsin vs. Nikolai Ryzhkov), as well as the Gorno-Altai ASSR (Nikolai Ryzhkov vs. Aman Tuleyev). In the contest for second place, notable competition occurred in Sverdlovsk Oblast (Nikolai Ryzhkov vs. Vladimir Zhirinovsky), the Khakass Autonomous Oblast (Nikolai Ryzhkov vs. Aman Tuleyev), and the Dagestan ASSR (Nikolai Ryzhkov vs. Albert Makashov).

At the 1993 constitutional referendum, the most competitive regions included the Altai and Kalmykia republics, as well as the Amur, Kaluga, and Ryazan oblasts.

In the 1993 elections to the State Duma, the most intense competition for leadership took place in the Republic of Buryatia (between the Party of Russian Unity and Accord (PRES) and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR)), Tomsk Oblast and the Republic of Tatarstan (between the "Choice of Russia" bloc and LDPR), and the Evenk Autonomous Okrug (between LDPR and the "Women of Russia" movement).

In the 1995 parliamentary elections, the most competitive results were observed in the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic (between Our Home – Russia (NDR) and the CPRF); Ivanovo, Irkutsk, and Omsk oblasts (between CPRF and LDPR), Kursk Oblast (between the "Derzhava" (Rus. for "power") movement and CPRF), and Yaroslavl Oblast and the city of Saint Petersburg (between CPRF and Yabloko Association). In the contest for second place, notable competition occurred in Moscow (between CPRF and Yabloko) and the Republic of Tuva (between CPRF and the Ivan Rybkin Bloc).

In the first round of the 1996 presidential election, the most intense competition for leadership unfolded in Ivanovo Oblast (Boris Yeltsin vs. Alexander Lebed), as well as in the Republic of Tatarstan, and Kostroma, Tver, and Tula oblasts (Boris Yeltsin vs. Gennady Zyuganov). In the second round, the greatest competition between Yeltsin and Zyuganov was observed in the Republic of Khakassia, and the Astrakhan and Omsk oblasts.

In the 1999 State Duma election, the most intense competition for leadership was recorded in Kursk and Penza oblasts (between the "Unity" bloc and CPRF), the city of Saint Petersburg (between the "Unity" bloc and the Union of Right Forces (SPS)), and the Republic of Mordovia (between CPRF and the "Fatherland – All Russia" (OVR) bloc). In the race for second place, notable competition occurred in the Nenets Autonomous Okrug (between CPRF and OVR), the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania (between OVR and the "Unity" bloc), Perm and Sverdlovsk oblasts (between CPRF and SPS), Samara Oblast (between the "Unity" bloc and SPS), Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug (between CPRF and the "Our Home – Russia" movement), Republic of Ingushetia (between CPRF and Yabloko Association), and the Taymyr Autonomous Okrug (between the Zhirinovsky Bloc and SPS).

In the March 2000 presidential election, Vladimir Putin’s main rival was Gennady Zyuganov, who came in second place in 84 regions, while Putin was second in five. The greatest competition between them for the first place was observed in the republics of Adygea, Buryatia, and Chuvashia, as well as in the Oryol and Novosibirsk oblasts. In Kemerovo Oblast, the first place went to the governor Aman Tuleyev, with Zyuganov finishing only third there. The most intense competition for second place between Gennady Zyuganov and Grigory Yavlinsky occurred in the Republic of Ingushetia and in Moscow.

In the December 2003 State Duma election, United Russia (UR) won the majority of regions (88 out of 89). The only exception was the Altai Republic. The strongest competition for the lead took place in Voronezh Oblast (between UR and the Rodina bloc), Tambov, Volgograd, and Orenburg oblasts (between UR and CPRF), as well as in Primorsky Krai and Sakhalin Oblast (between UR and LDPR). The most intense contest for second place was observed in the Agin-Buryat Autonomous Okrug (between the Agrarian Party of Russia and CPRF), Vladimir, Irkutsk, and Kursk oblasts (between CPRF and LDPR), Tula Oblast (between CPRF and the Rodina bloc), and the Chechen Republic (between SPS and People’s Party of the Russian Federation).

The March 2004 presidential election saw no contest for first place, as Vladimir Putin won decisively and his opponents were weak. The Communist Party candidate, Nikolai Kharitonov, posed only a relative challenge in Belgorod Oblast. Independent candidates Sergey Glazyev and Irina Khakamada recorded their best results in Krasnoyarsk Krai and Moscow, respectively.

Similarly, in the December 2007 State Duma election, United Russia maintained a significant lead over its competitors. The party’s margin over the closest rival, CPRF, exceeded 50%, resulting in no real contest for the top position. Only limited competition in a small number of constituent entities was demonstrated by the CPRF (in Tambov, Oryol, and Samara oblasts and Altai Krai), A Just Russia (in Astrakhan Oblast and Saint Petersburg), and LDPR (in Magadan Oblast and Primorsky Krai). Amur and Kirov oblasts stood out in the contest for second place, (between CPRF and LDPR), as well as Arkhangelsk Oblast (between CPRF and A Just Russia).

Like in 2004 and 2007, no competition for leadership was recorded in the March 2008 presidential election. Certain amount of competition between Dmitry Medvedev and the runner-up Gennady Zyuganov was observed only in Ryazan, Smolensk, and Bryansk oblasts, while competition with the third-place candidate Vladimir Zhirinovsky was detected in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, as well as in Kemerovo and Sverdlovsk oblasts.

In the December 2011 State Duma election, despite the leading position of United Russia in all regions, the strongest competition for the lead was demonstrated by CPRF in Novosibirsk, Oryol, Irkutsk, Yaroslavl, and Kostroma oblasts; by A Just Russia in Vologda, Novgorod, and Sverdlovsk oblasts; and by LDPR in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Zabaykalsky Krai, and Amur Oblast. In the contest for second place, the most intense competition unfolded in Zabaykalsky and Khabarovsk krais (between LDPR and CPRF), and in Volgograd, Yaroslavl, and Murmansk oblasts (between CPRF and A Just Russia).

In the March 2012 presidential election, the greatest competition was recorded between Vladimir Putin and Gennady Zyuganov in Oryol, Kostroma, Orenburg, and Ulyanovsk oblasts, and between Vladimir Putin and the independent candidate Mikhail Prokhorov in Moscow. The most dynamic contest for second place took place in Sverdlovsk Oblast, the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, and the cities of Moscow and Saint Petersburg (between Mikhail Prokhorov and Gennady Zyuganov), in the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug (between Gennday Zyuganov and Vladimir Zhirinovsky), and in the Chechen Republic (between Gennady Zyuganov and Sergey Mironov).

In the 2016 State Duma election, United Russia retained its leadership in all regions of the country. Its main opponents, CPRF and LDPR, lagged behind by more than four times, while A Just Russia trailed by as much as eight times. Nevertheless, the most competitive elections were recorded in Amur Oblast, Khabarovsk and Zabaykalsky krais, and Kirov Oblast (where LDPR competed with United Russia for first place), as well as in Omsk and Irkutsk oblasts (where CPRF competed for the lead). In the contest for second place between CPRF and LDPR, the most intense competition was observed in Novosibirsk Oblast (where the difference between second and third place amounted to only 59 votes), Saint Petersburg, the Republic of Mordovia, and Tula and Novgorod oblasts. The greatest competition between CPRF and A Just Russia was observed in the republics of Sakha (Yakutia) and Tuva, while competition between LDPR and A Just Russia was most pronounced in Chelyabinsk Oblast.

In the March 2018 presidential election, the margin between the incumbent president Vladimir Putin and the second-place candidate Pavel Grudinin exceeded 65%. Naturally, there was no competition for leadership whatsoever. Grudinin achieved his best results in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Altai and Primorsky krais, and Omsk Oblast. The most notable contest for second place occurred in the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, where the margin between Pavel Grudinin and Vladimir Zhirinovsky was only 79 votes. Strong competition for second place was also recorded in Tyumen, Arkhangelsk, and Murmansk oblasts and in the Komi Republic.

In the September 2021 State Duma election, UR maintained its overall national leadership with just under 50% of the vote, but lost first place to CPRF in four regions: the republics of Sakha (Yakutia) and Mari El, Khabarovsk Krai, and the Nenets Autonomous Okrug. The highest level of competition for the lead occurred in Kostroma and Omsk oblasts, Altai Krai, and the republics of Komi and Khakassia. A Just Russia – For Truth (AJRFT) showed the greatest activity in the contest for leadership in Kirov Oblast, while LDPR was most active in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. In the contest for second place, the most competitive results were observed in Kirov, Volgograd, and Tyumen oblasts and in the Republic of Crimea (CPRF vs. LDPR), as well as in the republics of North Ossetia, Dagestan, Karelia, and Tuva, and in Novgorod and Yaroslavl oblasts (CPRF vs. AJRFT).

In the presidential election of the Russian Federation held on 15–17 March 2024, the incumbent president and independent candidate Vladimir Putin won 87.3% of the vote and ranked first in all 89 regions of the Russian Federation. The CPRF candidate Nikolai Kharitonov recorded his highest results in Oryol and Kostroma oblasts and in the Republic of Kalmykia. The New People candidate Vladislav Davankov's strongest results were observed outside Russia, in the Republic of Karelia and in Arkhangelsk, Yaroslavl, Tomsk, and Sverdlovsk oblasts. The LDPR candidate Leonid Slutsky achieved his best results in Tyumen Oblast, Stavropol Krai, the Lugansk People’s Republic, the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, and Zaporozhye Oblast.

The reviewer did not identify any serious errors or shortcomings in the book. One may only note what is lacking in it. In particular, the book would benefit from a generalization of the results of the electoral campaigns. For example, it could take the form of identifying the most electorally representative regions for each election, i.e., those regions whose results most closely approximate the nationwide figures. Some conclusions regarding the electoral dynamics of political parties, particularly in parliamentary elections, could also have been drawn.

A distinct and major topic directly related to electoral geography, and at the same time the most methodologically demanding, is the activity of territorial election commissions (TECs) at the level of cities, municipal raions, and urban okrugs. Since 1995, election data have been published at the TEC level in the SAS "Vybory." Moreover, some scholars have also managed to obtain similar data for earlier electoral campaigns. In this context, it would be possible to identify the most successful territorial election commissions for each party or candidate, possibly as an appendix. Moreover, an effort could be made to indicate the most representative TECs following each election. It is likely that this subject will be expanded upon in subsequent editions.

As a result, this publication can be regarded as an invaluable resource for all those interested in Russia’s political history, including geographers, political scientists, and political strategists.

Received 03.09.2025, revision received 06.10.2025.

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References

1. Yelagin S.A., Okunev I.Yu. Atlas elektoralnoy geografii Rossiyskoy Federatsii. 1991–2024 [Atlas of the Electoral Geography of the Russian Federation. 1991–2024]. Moscow: Aspekt Press. 398 p.